Notes

1 Culturally relevant teaching uses children’s culture to promote academic success, cultural competence, and sociopolitical consciousness (Ladson-Billings, 1994).
2 The 1995 reform also greatly increased centralized control of personnel and fiscal decisions, removed barriers to out-sourcing of school services (e.g., custodial services) to private companies, and prohibited teacher strikes for 18 months.
3 The 1988 reform, a product of a coalition of school reformers, business interests, and grassroots activists (Hess, 1991), was based on the theory that decentralization and grass-roots participation would stimulate innovation (Bryk, Sebring, Kerbow, Rollow, & Easton, 1998; Katz, 1992).
4 Shipps, Kahne, and Smiley (1999) argue that both reforms were promoted by the city’s business interests to stabilize and legitimize a failing, mismanaged school system; promote economic growth; and improve school performance and achievement. They argue that business interests pushed the 1995 law to intensify the pace of reform.
5 The LSCs have lost power in budgeting, opportunities for training, control of Chapter 1 funds, and the selection of principals. The CEO of CPS has gained greater control over LSCs (Lewis, 1997; Williams, 2000).
6 Among the schools that I studied, one LSC was unable to recruit enough parents to fill the parent seats and was essentially not functioning; another LSC rubber-stamped the principal’s recommendations. In both, LSC decisions regarding curriculum and budget were geared to raising test scores and getting off probation or avoiding it. A third school had an active LSC that challenged board policies. The LSC of a fourth school was a model of engaged civic participation, with task forces, subcommittees, study groups, and its own reports and recommendations. Yet this LSC’s activism was also constrained by fears of drawing too much attention and bringing the school under tighter scrutiny of district officials.
7 I worked with several research assistants at these schools and others in the study.
8 We conducted a total of 13 teacher interviews in 1997–1998, 20 in 1998–1999, 8 in 1999–2000, and 14 in 2000–2001. Some were repeat interviews of the same teachers, others were of new teachers. Over a period of four years we interviewed a total of 19 Grover teachers and 14 Westlawn teachers.
9 I made these observations in conjunction with a larger study that used a structured protocol. My own complementary notes used more ethnographic methods.
10 Variation in research plans and in degree of teacher collaboration reflects the varied conditions under which I conducted research in each of the schools. The Grover and Westlawn studies were partly shaped by my participation in a large research project. The variations also reflect specific issues posed by the schools; for example, issues of culture and language were very prominent at Brewer and shaped that study.
11 Ray and Mickelson (1993, p. 9) estimate that 28 percent to 35 percent of all workers in the United States can be classified as contingent.
12 Castells (1996) projects the following model of the occupational structure in 2005: an increase in the upper-class (managers and professionals) share of employment from 23.7 percent in 1992 to 25.3 percent; a decline in the middle-class occupations (technicians and craft workers) from 14.7 percent to 14.3 percent; a decline in the lower-middle-class occupations (sales, clerical, operators) from 42.7 percent to 40.0 percent; and an
increase in the lower-class occupations (service and agricultural workers) from 18.9 percent to 20 percent (p. 225).
13 Key factors are the drive by business to weaken unions in the 1980s and 1990s, increased subcontracting and offshore production, more contingent labor, and the rapidly growing informal economy that pays substandard wages with subminimum health and safety standards.
14 Sanjek (1998, pp.141–145) argues that in New York, global city discourse, rather than the reality of economic concentration, was used by financial and city-planning elites to promote development policies that favored the financial center and ignored neighborhoods.
15 See Wacquant and Wilson (1989) for an analysis of African-American joblessness and economic exclusion in Chicago due to processes of spatial and economic restructuring.
16 According to Morenoff and Tienda (1997), in 1970, “transitional working class neighborhoods” were the most dominant neighborhood type in Chicago, with 45 percent of census tracts; but by 1990 such neighborhoods comprised only 14 percent of all neighborhoods.
The “yuppie” category doubled in the decade of the 1980s; “ghetto underclass” neighborhoods also increased, from 3 percent of census tracts to 23 percent during the 1970s. These data do not reflect the displacement of low-income communities in the 1990s.
17 According to Newmann, Bryk, and Nagaoka (2001), authentic intellectual work is characterized by assignments that demand high-order thinking, comprehensive under-standing, elaborated communication, and connections with students’ lives beyond school and that require students to apply, integrate, interpret, and analyze knowledge. Basic skills instruction is characterized by memorization, drills, exercises, and tests that ask students
to reproduce knowledge in the same form in which it was learned.
18 Anecdotally, this unofficial policy has been widely confirmed by CPS teachers in my graduate education classes.
19 Eighth-grade students who fail the ITBS in the spring automatically lose their placements in competitive magnet high schools even if they retake and pass the test in summer school.
20 The CPS Office of Accountability lists 45 direct instruction schools. This list has varied slightly from 2000 to 20001. Implementation also varies among schools (from telephone and written communications and interviews with CPS officials in April 2000, January 2001, and September 2001).
21 Uncategorized programs or schools include Elementary Magnet Clusters, Middle Years Prospective IB programs, Education to Career Clusters, International Language and Career Academies — all post-1995.
22 Figure 2 shows two schools that are plus and minus; both have an ETC and an IB program.
23 As of this writing, community-area income data based on the 2000 census are not yet available. Data on racial distribution by neighborhood are available from the Northeastern Illinois Planning Commission at http:// www. nipc.cog.il.us/. Housing prices and rental costs by neighborhood are available from the City of Chicago, Department of Planning and Development, at http://www. ci.chi.il.us/PlanAndDevelop/ChgoFacts.
24 I use Allensworth and Rosenkranz’s (2000) data and income classifications. They define median family income distribution as follows: $0–16,000 = very low income; $16,000–29,000 = low income; $29,000–55,000 = middle income; $55,000–151,000 = upper income. See pp. 26–27 for maps of median family income and race by region.
25 The opening of the Region 4 magnet in 2001 was postponed.
26 The exact number of DI schools that employ DI schoolwide is not available, but schoolwide programs are the central office goal (personal communication, CPS administrator, September 2001).
27 Virtually all of the teachers who talked with me named reduced class size as a top priority to improve teaching and learning. See also research on effects of class size on learning (e.g., Nye, Hedges, & Konstantopoulos, 2000).

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